Tuesday, 30 April 2013

Newcastle Press Wants You to Deport Immigrants

On the heels of the deportation of Hassanat Aliyu and her three children, who were taken from their home in the early hours on 6th March, the Border Agency continues its targeting of immigrants in an overt attempt to produce a split along the familiar and well-trodden lines of race and nation.  A recent story from the Newcastle Chronicle reports that in February, restaurants and grocers in Newcastle were raided by the UK Border Agency (http://www.chroniclelive.co.uk/news/local-news/border-chiefs-stage-raid-upmarket-1352531).  While the article focuses on Akbar’s Curry House and the arrest of three Pakistani, Nepali, and Iranian workers, The Chronicle’s reporting on behalf of the UKBA reveals a number of troubling trends that indeed, conflicts with the work of many journalists whose reports are left buried under the institutional racism of the media and government.  Left unreported in the article is the fact that the UK, European Union, and the United States routinely detain and deport migrants.  As Chronicle journalist Sarah Scott reported in another (and more responsible) article on the wider context of Hassant’s deportation, the UK deports people every eight minutes, while over 400,000 people have been deported from the United States in 2012 alone (http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/01/31/obama-deportation_n_2594012.html) — with plans to ratchet up these startling numbers that criminalize the very act of movement.  New methods of immigrant detention—from interdiction at the external and now internal borders of Britain and the United States, to the use of remotely piloted drones— provide the state with more power, private industries with more profits, and civil society with an utter distrust of immigrants, cast as outsiders through the mechanisms of racism.

                           The evident collusion between journalism and the security state in the Chronicle article is the first element that we need to unravel in order to reveal how we are dubbed and duped into being pawns in the great games of class and race war.  First, the article encourages you to report suspected illegal immigrants to Crimestoppers.  They desire your active participation!  In making this call for your participation, the state hopes to make you an integral part of its machinery, the ever watchful and suspicious eye working on behalf of the state.  Second, what constitutes ‘suspicious activity’?  What does a suspicious person look like?  Even with our lazy eye, we can see that this is an unveiled attempt to simply provoke fear and mistrust towards the people we live and interact with. To move to what the article is reporting, we can also see that the actions of the UKBA point to the further rise of the British security state at a time of seeming austerity, where the state is more than content to cut social services while spending its precious cash in forcing immigrant others out.  The impact of such calls by the state and the so-called independent media is clear: the threat and danger in Britain comes from low wage workers, people who have moved in the face of histories of colonialism and contemporary neo-imperialism that provides profits for corporations and the state.  

As bombs explode on the tenth anniversary of the US and British led violence and devastation of Iraq, we must reject the calls that seek to divide us, to pit your precarity against the precarity of migrants and racialized minorities.  The desire to divide, as we know, is a tactic that Britain has long used at its disposal, from Ireland to the Indian subcontinent, and as illuminated by these most recent, ‘routine’ raids, within the borders of Britain.  As past and current social movements expose, however, through our united struggle against the apparatus that seeks to dominate and divide us.  Though the state (and the press) justifies these raids, detentions, and deportations in the name of your (unless you are an immigrant) job scarcity, illegality, the ‘bogus’ refugee, and safety, we must recognize such ruses whenever and wherever they appear— in newspapers, television, or in the actions (and inactions) of the police and Border Agency.  Just as we fight against the lowering of our conditions and the reality of flexible labour, we demand justice for workers and people on the margins in the shadows of racist and imperialist Britain.

End press collusion with the UKBA! No scapegoating of migrants and asylum seekers! Decent jobs for all!

Monday, 29 April 2013

Where's the Humanity? - Report of 'Against Racism' by Katie Bales

The below report of TCAR's recent public meeting 'Against Racism' was written by Northumbria Uni Law student Katie Bales along with Raul Ally, and first published on the Northumbria Law Blog

Where’s the Humanity?

February 14, 2013
Katie Bales and Raul Ally

On Saturday the 26th January I attended a meeting organised by Tyneside Community Action Against Racism (TCAR). The day was organised by activists to highlight some of the pressing issues within the asylum regime. This blog will reiterate some of the concerns raised, in the hope that it will shed further light on an asylum system shamelessly focused on reducing immigration rather than providing sanctuary and meeting the needs of asylum seekers.


The speakers included Tom Vickers, Frances Webber, John Grayson and Raul Ally.

Tom’s speech ‘Racism and Politics in British State Welfare’ focused on the pitiful support that asylum seekers receive whilst they are in the UK and the racism which pervades the history of welfare provision and remains to this day. His speech can be accessed via his blog, consequently it will not be reiterated here.
I had the pleasure of reading Frances Webber’s book ‘Borderline Justice‘, which gives a comprehensive account of various aspects of the asylum system such as welfare, housing, detention, border control and access to justice. Her inspired speech gave a general overview of the developments in the legal system and the role of asylum seekers, community, lawyers and judges in fighting for a more humane asylum system, reiterating the importance of activism and community support. A video of her speech can be viewed by clicking the link.

The remainder of this blog is co-written by Raul Ally, who explains his profoundly moving experience of detention in the UK. He has also included a video link documenting his experience of seeking asylum
Before examining the deplorable practice of detention in the UK, the blog will examine discussion by John Grayson and the transfer of asylum seeker housing from the UK Border Agency to the privatised company G4S.

Privatised Housing and the shameless disregard for humanity:
Asylum seeker housing in the UK is now 100% outsourced to three multi-national security companies: Clearel (London and the South of England); Serco (North-West and Scotland & Northern Ireland); and G4S (North-East, Yorkshire & Humberside and the Midlands & East of England), who earn millions of pounds through securing provision. These companies cut costs by purchasing sub standard properties and letting them to asylum seekers who are left with little or no other options. Their blatant disregard for the standards of housing provided, the needs of asylum seekers and the suitability of areas of accommodation continue to place asylum seekers in precarious positions where their rights are frequently infringed.
G4S were granted 211million pounds for the seven year asylum housing contract. The company recently hit the headlines for botching security at the London Olympic Games, and more seriously for the death of Jimmy Mubenga in October 2010. Mubenga died after being restrained by G4S guards on a British Airways flight in an attempt to deport him to Angola, he was heard repeatedly shouting ‘I can’t breathe’ and ‘they’re going to kill me’ by fellow passengers and British Airways Crew.

In December 2012, G4S evicted a heavily pregnant asylum seeker from her home on the day she was due to be induced to give birth, expecting her to move all her belongings, register as homeless and travel to hospital herself. The woman was aided by one worker who took pity on her and gave her a lift to hospital.
The standards of housing provided by G4S are described by Grayson as appalling. In one case, a mother who had been housed in what Grayson describes as a ‘slum’, found a cockroach in her five month old son’s milk bottle. Her accommodation was damp and infested by slugs and cockroaches, the back yard was littered with piles of rubbish from previous tenants and the landlord had screwed cockroach traps to the walls, one of which was placed close to her son’s cot. Unlike national citizens who have tenant’s rights, asylum seekers were stripped of such rights via the Immigration and Asylum Act 1999. Despite this, the Government still have an obligation to provide asylum seekers with an adequate standard of living and physical and mental health via Article 11(1) and 12 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

They also have a national obligation to safeguard and promote the welfare of children, which they are bound to consider via Section 55 Borders Citizenship and Immigration Act 2009 and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. However, evidence suggests that the Government is failing to adhere to these obligations.
A recent parliamentary inquiry into the experiences of children within the asylum system found that in relation to housing, “families are living in poorly maintained, overcrowded accommodation which can be damp, dirty, cold and unsafe; infested with mice, cockroaches and other pests, rotting floorboards and locked windows. One submission characterized this as ‘death trap’ accommodation” noting there is little obligation upon housing providers to ensure high quality or appropriate accommodation. During the inquiry, one local authority affirmed that properties issued by private firms “are less well maintained and sometimes lack basic facilities needed for families with young children, such as washing machines. Children and parents have to share bedrooms, or live in flats and hostels with strangers, sharing communal areas.” The accountability of housing standards is thus a major concern.

Racist incidents have also been disregarded by G4S in their selection of accommodation areas, often housing asylum seekers in rough and notoriously racist areas. Grayson discussed the plight of an asylum seeking journalist from Iraq who was dispersed to a G4S property in Stockton in October 2012. On arrival the applicant and four other asylum seekers were overwhelmed by a crowd hurling racist abuse, who proceeded to break down the door and windows to their accommodation before being removed by police. The landlord repaired the door but refused to repair the windows, declining to move the asylum seekers to more appropriate accommodation. The police also refused to register the attack as racially motivated. In fear of reprisals the other four asylum seekers left the property, yet in doing so they also lost qualification for support.

The failure to return or subside at an authorised address constitutes a reason for the discontinuation of financial support to asylum seekers, who are also prevented from working. (See SI 2000/704 and Policy Bulletin 17, Failure to Travel)

Abandonment of address for reasons of racial harassment is classified as a reasonable excuse. In considering whether to discontinue support in these circumstances adjudicators must take into account the nature, degree, frequency, persistence and organisation of the harassment, as well as the effect it has on the asylum seeker and whether police have been informed and taken action. ‘The ‘sufficiency of protection’ test of refugee status itself has even been applied to deciding whether a refusal to return to the site of previous racist harassment was reasonable in the light of the police response. These decisions suggest that there is such a thing as an acceptable level of racial harassment (or a level of harassment which asylum seekers must accept).” (Macdonald’s Immigration Law and Practice 2010, page1104)
Though some asylum seekers are active in their fight for humane and dignified treatment, some are afraid to speak out, worried of the impact it could have on their asylum application. Consequently hundreds of asylum seekers continue to live in squalor and allow racist incidents to go unreported, choosing to remain at home rather than risk racial abuse outside.

Detention: A punitive response to seeking asylum?
Though immigration detention is claimed not to be a form of punishment, Morton Hall detention centre, where Raul was recently held used to be a female prison. At the TCAR meeting Raul described being locked in a cell intermittently during the day and released for breakfast, lunch and dinner. The centre placed restrictions on internet access, which prevented Raul from accessing websites to aid his asylum claim and he claims that staff would intercept his post. Raul reported that the majority of detainees were depressed, one of whom he witnessed stabbing himself with a fork in the dining hall through fear of deportation.
Though asylum seekers have committed no crime, once detained, they are imprisoned and unable to leave. Whereas criminals are imprisoned for a fixed amount of time, there is no time limit placed on immigration detention and no requirement to inform detainees of how long they will be incarcerated. The imprisonment of asylum seekers in the UK has led to countless riots, hunger strikes and suicides.

The National Clinical Director for Health and Criminal Justice at the Department of Health has affirmed that ‘custody causes mental distress and acts to exacerbate existing mental health problems, heighten vulnerability and increase the risk of self-harm and suicide.’ The following case study has been taken from a blog written by Clare Sambrook and provides an insight into the realities of immigration detention and deportation:
“When immigration officers called at his home in Leeds for a ‘pastoral visit’, the man was open and friendly. He let them in, offered them a seat, a cup of coffee, told them of his depression, showed them his medication. The very next day a dozen officers arrived at dawn and broke down his door with a battering ram — (an “absolutely routine pick-up”, they called it). The man and his 13 year old son woke up to find an immigration officer and a police officer in their attic bedroom. They were told to dress and pack, told they’d be flown the following morning to Angola — a country where, the man said, his mother, father and sister had been killed by the authorities.

On the drive to the removal centre — Yarl’s Wood, in Bedfordshire — escort staff from private contractors G4S confiscated a coil of washing line from his bag. At Yarl’s Wood they said he could not keep his medication or the washing line with him, but nobody noted any indication of risk of self-harm in his file. He was found hanged in a Yarl’s Wood stairwell at around 1 AM the next morning. His son was woken up and told the news. The man was Manuel Bravo. He was 35 years old. The circumstances of his death were recorded, with some compassion, by the Prisons and Probation Ombudsman Stephen Shaw in January 2006.”

At the TCAR event Raul spoke of the profound impact detention had had on him, stating ‘I may seem ok on the outside, but really I am not.’

Raul’s account:
On the 24th of June 2012 I was arrested and held in North Shields police station for 3 days. I was released 3 hours before my prom, I was arrested without committing any crime or doing anything wrong and ordered to sign on (at an immigration centre) every week.

It was Wednesday the 1st of August and I was meant to be watching an Olympic football match between Brazil and Australia, but unfortunately I couldn’t make it because I was rearrested by the UKBA and taken to Morton Hall detention centre in Lincolnshire where I was detained for over 2 months.
My experience in Morton hall has to be the worst experience I have had in Britain. I first arrived there thinking there would only be a few of us, but I was shocked to see how many people were held there, people from all different countries with different circumstances. I expected to see only asylum seekers but there were people being detained for no specific reason which was very sad to see. There were people with major illnesses such as heart disease, people who were blind, those suffering mental illness and people without limbs. It was sad spending time with them, sometimes I wished that they could be released and I remained in there because they didn’t deserve to be held in those conditions.

The staff in Morton Hall were very harsh, I heard one with my own ears saying that they had the hardest job working in a detention centre as we (asylum seekers) were the worst criminals. They treated people like animals, I saw one detainee being forced to move, they strangled and cuffed him, the guy couldn’t even breathe properly and shouted that they were killing him, it was very sad to watch. The nurses lie and say whatever is necessary so people can be deported, there was a Vietnamese person who had heart problems and couldn’t even go to the dining hall to get his food, yet the nurses signed that he was fit to be deported, and they only supply you with pain killers as medication.

The immigration rules say that the maximum someone should be held in detention is 3 months, but some of my friends were held for up to 6 years, some people have even been deported to wrong destinations, just so they can get rid of them. There were a few Somalis who pooed in the plane because they were taken to unknown countries and they used fake documents to deport them. It was hell being in a detention centre, and it hurts me to see people being treated like this. God’s world has no borders. Shut down detention centres!

By Raul Ally

A video documenting Raul’s asylum journey can be viewed at:

Thursday, 25 April 2013

Raul Ally was deported last night - the Tanzanian government did not accept him - we are awaiting more information

Raul Ally was deported yesterday evening without warning, without his family and friends being notified, without removal details. This was hours after UKBA asked Raul if he would be able to make his own way back to Newcastle, suggesting he would be released soon. And after family visits for Saturday and an appointment with a solicitor for today had been arranged

After 14 days of being on hunger strike and in a weakened state, a member of staff from Colnbrook entered the room and told Raul it was ‘time to go home, time to go back to Tanzania.’ Raul is not from Tanzania and has no connection to it. Shortly after this, 15 hired goons from private security firm Tascor (formerly Reliance and now owned by Capita) entered the room and forcibly carried Raul to the plane.

He was the first person on the plane and they bundled him into the staff room so that any protest he made would not be seen by passengers. Surely the pilot must have known about this treatment and the kidnap of Raul but allowed it to continue. We currently don’t know which airline it was that took him – but will find out and publicise the information.

Raul was taken to Tanzania but the government refused to take him because he is not Tanzanian. We are waiting to find out where he is now and what will happen next. We will keep the blog updated so check back for more information later tonight and tomorrow.

Raul’s family would like to thank everyone for their hard work. We will keep fighting.

Wednesday, 24 April 2013

How Raul got off the flight. UKBA, Kenya Airlines, Tascor: all part of the racist machinery

While being held in Colnbrook immigration prison Raul has been refused proper medical attention. He has demanded to see a doctor to get health checks during his hunger strike but has been repeatedly refused. When supporters rang the healthcare unit in the prison, they were told that a doctor sees all detainees every morning – this is a lie. Raul saw a nurse three days ago and it wasn’t until supporters put pressure on Colnbrook and chased up his MP to do the same that a doctor eventually saw him. Callers to the prison were repeatedly told by staff that ‘there is no problem’ as Raul was not being ‘treated differently from anyone else here’. Unfortunately, that is the problem.

On 17th April, Raul was taken to Heathrow Airport in a van by Tascor private security firm. Tascor are hired by UKBA to ‘escort’ detainees from immigration prisons to the airport. They are the largest private sector provider of this ‘service’ worldwide. Four Tascor men (Mr James Clark, Mr Simon Duke, Mr Gavin Coblem, and one other who went by the name of Matt) tried to get Raul out of the van to bundle him on the flight, deport and dump him in Tanzania. Raul, despite being on hunger strike for 7 days and in a weak condition, courageously held on to the seat in the van as the four racist thugs attempted to drag him out, they cuffed one of his hands, he continued to struggle, wrapping his legs around part of the van, they then used their fingers to put heavy pressure on his throat and eventually got his other hand cuffed and took him to the plane, leaving his arms cut. His hands are now numb from the cuffs. They sat him at the back of the plane, still in handcuffs, one guard either side and two in front, the boss of the Tascor mob staring back at Raul in an attempt to keep him quiet. He asked for water but they refused to give him any. Raul did not succumb to this torture or intimidation and found the energy to shout out to the passengers for help. Passengers were concerned and complained to the staff. They asked what was happening and the security officers told them ‘It’s alright, he is just being removed’. An air stewardess came over to see what was happening. Raul said to her ‘You are a witness to this, they are torturing me.’ She spoke to the pilot who came over and said he was refusing to take Raul on the flight and he should be taken off. Raul was taken off the plane and is currently being held back in Colnbrook.

Raul's assailants claimed that Raul had been biting them and they were going to issue a complaint. The boss, at another failed attempt of intimidation, while angrily pointing his finger into Raul’s chest, said ‘This is personal, I’m being serious, if I see anything about what happened or my name in the paper I’m going to sue you.’ Raul looked him in the eye and said ‘I am being serious too.’

Raul is determined to fight and has stated he will remain on hunger strike until he is back in Newcastle.
Tyneside Community Action Against Racism and supporters of Raul bombarded Kenya Airlines with phone calls to demand they did not take him. From the volume of calls they received they took the phones off line until after 8pm (when the flight had left). Prior to this one of their staff told callers that the Home Office had cancelled Raul’s seat on the flight so there was no need for people to keep ringing in. This was a complete lie and further underlines the complicity of companies such as Kenya Airways in carrying out deportations.

Raul thanks everyone for their help. We need to continue the fight against Britain’s racist immigration laws. Keep checking the blog for updates and ways you can get involved.

Shut down all immigration prisons! No deportations! FREE! FREE! RAUL ALLY!